For years, Singh has attacked Nitish with strong remarks. In 2013, when Modi’s name was floated as BJP’s prime ministerial candidate, Singh openly backed him and accused Nitish of jealousy. He even compared him to a “quarrelsome village woman” before the 2014 elections. Singh also alleged that Nitish weakened national security and encouraged extremists through his shifting alliances.

However, Singh’s tone has not always been the same. At times, he praised Nitish’s leadership and even demanded a Bharat Ratna for him. Later, he returned to calling him opportunistic and anti-Modi. His speeches and tweets from 2013 to 2024 show this pattern of changing views.

Now, Singh’s fresh slogan in Purnia—where he shouted both “Narendra Modi Zindabad” and “Nitish Kumar Zindabad”—has revived political debate. Analysts believe this balancing act reflects Bihar’s changing political ground, where Nitish continues to play an important role in alliances.

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Muslim voters play a crucial role in around 50–70 constituencies. This influence makes every party keen to attract them, but ticket distribution often remains limited. Historically, Muslims backed Congress, but dissatisfaction over governance led many to shift towards RJD, JD(U), and at times BJP.

The Bhagalpur riots of 1989 pushed Muslims further away from Congress, reshaping Bihar’s politics. Leaders like Syed Shahnawaz Hussain once gave BJP a Muslim face, but overall representation continued to fall. In the current Assembly, only 19 MLAs are Muslims, far below their population share.

Experts note that despite being a decisive vote bank, Muslims are not offered proportionate tickets. Even reserved seats are underutilized for Muslim candidates. Activists argue that until fair participation is ensured, the community will remain politically marginalized. This gap between numbers and power is now a major debate ahead of Bihar elections.

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